Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Yayın Koleksiyonu
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Article Citation - WoS: 2Citation - Scopus: 3A comparative civilizational reading for the Middle East and Turkey's new role in it(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2016) Atac, C. Akca; 17826The 1990s witnessed a bloom of studies on the standard of civilization', which all aimed to explore the future of the rift between the East and the West. The Arab Spring and its implications for the primordial competition between the East and the West has once again required the revisiting of certain, rather more contemporary, theoretical aspects of the grand debate on civilization. This paper aims to introduce current arguments pertaining to the grand debate on civilization into the context of the Arab Spring. In doing so, it seeks to offer a comparative perspective of the quest for understanding the current situation in the Middle East with particular reference to the civilization discourse which is currently on the rise in Turkish politics. Turkey is among the actors in the Middle East seeking to assume leadership in order to establish peace in the region.Article Citation - WoS: 3Citation - Scopus: 3A Feminist Reading of Turkish Foreign Policy and the S-400 Crisis(Sage Publications inc, 2021) Akca Atac, C.; 17826Hypermasculine hegemonic masculinities have become the norm to dominate the foreign policies all around the world. As the populist foreign-policy visions, the byproducts of androcentric norm-creation, undermine the established rules for peace, diplomacy and co-existence in the international system, other experiences have faded away from the narratives that have defined and contributed to foreign policies. The accelerating urgency of the national security agendas of the hypermasculine states seek to cancel feminist definitions, practices and theories for the sake of physical force and state control. Nevertheless, more than any other period in history, it is these conflicting times that necessitate Cynthia Enloe's 'curious feminist' questions the most. Turkish foreign policy of the last decade has become a quintessential example of hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity, especially within the context of the S-400 crisis with the US, NATO and Russia; its feminist critics are distressingly rare. This paper aims to offer an alternative reading of Turkey's S-400 saga from a feminist perspective to contribute a Turkish case to feminist International Relations. First a definition of feminist International Relations will be provided. Then, the hypermasculine character of the Turkish hegemonic masculinity and its reflection on the current Turkish foreign policy will be analyzed. Lastly, the S-400 crisis of Turkey's decision to buy Russian defense missiles as a NATO member will be examined.Article Citation - WoS: 10Citation - Scopus: 11A glance at the constitutive elements of the leader-centered perspective in Turkish politics(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2017) Turk, H. Bahadir; 18664; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerLeadership is a major aspect of Turkish politics; leaders in Turkish politics are regarded as either almost sacred figures or the ultimate reason for all political, social and economic problems. Leaders are seen as decision makers who have a significant impact on almost all aspects of life. It can be contended that a historical continuance toward the leader-centered perspective is present in Turkish politics. This paper aims to present a descriptive framework outlining the elements that constitute the leader-centered perspective in Turkish politics. To accomplish this goal, the paper presents two major arguments. It is argued that the constitutive elements of the leader-centered perspective in Turkish politics are a sui generis synthesis of patrimonialism, patriarchy, populism and militarism. Furthermore, this fourfold historical structure strengthens forms of charismatic leadership and can provide insight into the central role of leadership in Turkish politics.Article Citation - WoS: 0A Glance at the Problem of Reason of State through Siyasatnamas(Beytulhikme Felsefe Cevresi, 2018) Turk, Hasan Bahadir; 18664; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerThis study aims to discuss the problem of the reason of state through siyasatnamas. The study consists of two sections. The first section focuses on the nature and historical development of the concept of the reason of state. The second section examines the problem of the reason of state in siyasatnamas through an interpretive-textual method. The major argument of the study is that traces of the term reason of state can be found in siyasatnamas.Article Citation - WoS: 0A tale of two neighbors: past, present, and future of Turkish-Bulgarian relations(Publ House Bulgarian Acad Sci, 2011) Unal, Hasan; Ekinci, Didem; 17316Article AB’nin Bağımsız Bir Güvenlik Ve Savunma Politikası Geliştirme Düşüncesi Ve Stratejik Pusula(2023) Akşemsettinoğlu, Gökhan; 104466; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerSoğuk Savaş döneminde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD) ve NATO odaklı bir güvenlik ve savunma politikası benimsemek zorunda kalan Avrupa Birliği (AB), üzerinde uzun zamandır tartıştığı bağımsız bir güvenlik ve savunma politikası geliştirme düşüncesini hayata geçirme fırsatı bulamamıştır. Ancak, Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde uluslararası sistemin yapısının değişmesi, tehditlerin farklılaşması ve AB’nin özellikle son on yıl içinde yaşadığı iç ve dış krizler, üye devletlerin bağımsız bir güvenlik ve savunma politikası geliştirme konusundaki girişimlerini önemli ölçüde artırmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, AB’nin bağımsız bir güvenlik ve savunma politikası geliştirme düşüncesini, zaman içinde duyurduğu stratejiler çerçevesinde hangi düzeyde hayata geçirebildiğini araştırmaktır. Çalışma, AB’nin bağımsız bir güvenlik ve savunma politikasını ABD ve NATO’ya rağmen değil, ABD ve NATO ile işbirliği içinde gerçekleştirebileceğini ortaya koymaktadır. Çalışma, bu varsayımı desteklemek için de kısa süre önce duyurulan Stratejik Pusula ile açıklanan yeni yaklaşıma vurgu yapmaktadır. Nitel araştırma metodu içinde yer alan nitel veri toplama yöntemlerinden doküman/metin analizini kullanan bu çalışma sonuç olarak, Stratejik Pusula ile duyurulan yeni anlayışın AB’nin bağımsız bir güvenlik ve savunma politikası geliştirme düşüncesini, ABD ve NATO ile işbirliği içinde ileri taşıyabileceğini ortaya koymaktadırArticle Citation - WoS: 0Citation - Scopus: 0Americanization of Political Campaigns: A Comparison of the Cases of Forza Italia and the Young Party(Turkiye Orta Dogu Amme Idaresi Enstitusu, 2010) Turk, Hasan Bahadir; 18664; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerSimilar to political institutions and structures, political campaigns have also undergone dramatic transformations. The Americanization of political campaigns, which are characterized by certain peculiarities, such as the personalization of politics, weakening of party organizations, wide use of media channels in the political marketing process, need for specialization, primacy of opinions over ideologies and conceptualization of citizens as policy consumers, is a by-product of these dramatic transformations. This paper aims to compare Forza Italia and the Young Party through the Americanization of political campaigns with special emphasis on the connection between the transformation of political campaigns and the crisis of representative democracy.Book Part Citation - WoS: 27Early Ottoman Diplomacy: Ad Hoc Period(Palgrave, 2003) Ari, Buelent; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerArticle Citation - WoS: 1Early Ottoman-Dutch political and commercial relations after 1612 capitulations(Publ House Bulgarian Acad Sci, 2004) Ari, B; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerArticle Citation - Scopus: 6Economic Growth Inflation Nexus & Its Impact on the Development of the Automotive Industry: The Case of Turkey(Inderscience Publishers, 2019) Dinç, D.T.; Gökmen, A.; Üstündağ, K.; 52039; 17660; Uluslararası Ticaret ve FinansmanEconomic growth is essential for development and welfare of the citizens of a country. Economic development is an intact process involving potentially entire industries in a state. Also, economic growth is associated with macroeconomic indicators such as GDP, exports, imports, budget surplus or deficits, current account balance, interest and inflation rates. Nonetheless, inflation is an important macroeconomic indicator which can influence industrial development positively or negatively. Moreover, the aim of this study is to analyse the impact of inflation on the total automotive industry production in the Republic of Turkey resting on various econometric applications as JJ cointegration test, VECM, Wald test, Gtranger test and LSM. Copyright © 2019 Inderscience Enterprises Ltd.Article Citation - WoS: 0Citation - Scopus: 1Empire of Languages: Eu's Multilingualism Policy and the Turkish Language(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2012) Atac, C. Akca; 17826Despite its crucial role in sustaining better integration, multilingualism is not discussed as widely as the other topics of multiculturalism within the context of the European Union (EU) enlargement. The accession process requires Turkey to take notice of the opportunities and shortcomings as well as the challenges of European multilingualism and to communicate the relevance of the Turkish language to the completeness of European multiculturalism. The present article aims to assess the EU language policy in light of the future imperative of incorporating Turkish into Europe's linguistic family by referring to the EU's laws, norms, and values as well as NGOs' reports and opinion papers.Review Citation - WoS: 0Enlightenment In the Colony: the Jewish Question and the Crisis of Postcolonial Culture(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2011) Karadeli, Cem; 21252; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerArticle Citation - WoS: 3Citation - Scopus: 2Hegemonic masculinity and terrorism: the case of the PKK and Abdullah Öcalan(Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2020) Turk, H. BahadirRecent years have seen an increase in the study of the relationship between gender and terrorism. This article analyzes the relationship between hegemonic masculinity and terrorism through the case of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan or PKK) and its leader Abdullah ocalan. Using the method of narrative analysis, the study first examines the concept of hegemonic masculinity. The study attempts to make sense of how the concept of hegemonic masculinity operates within the PKK. To achieve this goal, the study demonstrates the major functions of hegemonic masculinity within terrorist organisations. Accordingly, it is argued that the perspective of masculinity studies can be used to gain a better and highly instructive understanding of political violence and terrorism.Article Citation - WoS: 10Is The J-Curve Effect Observable In Turkish Agricultural Sector?(Univ Zagreb, Fac Agriculture, 2006) Yazici, Mehmet; 144084; İktisatThis paper investigates whether or not the J-curve hypothesis holds in Turkish agricultural sector. The analysis is conducted using the model the most commonly employed in j-curve literature. Based on the data covering the period from 1986: I to 1998: III, our results indicate that, following devaluation, agricultural trade balance initially improves, then worsens, and then improves again. This pattern shows that J-curve effect does not exist in Turkish agricultural sector. Another important finding is that devaluation worsens the trade balance of the sector in the long run, a result contradicting with the earlier findings for the Turkish economy as a whole.Review Citation - WoS: 0Islamization of Turkey under the AKP rule(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2013) Turk, H. Bahadir; 18664; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerArticle Jean-Luc Nancy Düşüncesinde Demokrasi Kavramı Üzerine Genel Bir Değerlendirme(2017) Türk, H. Bahadır; 18664; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerÇalışmaları siyaset felsefesinden sanata geniş bir alanı kapsayan Fransız filozof Jean-Luc Nancy çağımızın en önemli düşünürlerinden biridir. Düşünürün topluluk kavramına olan ilgisi kaçınılmaz bir biçimde demokrasi kavramının hakiki anlamına dair bir dizi temayı, tartışmayı ve soruyu doğurur. Bu nedenle demokrasi meselesinin, düşünürün siyasal teorisinde merkezi bir konum işgal ettiği iddia edilebilir. Bilindiği üzere, demokrasi kavramı bugün sadece siyaset bilimi alanında değil, siyaset felsefesi alanında da hala tartışılan bir kavram olmayı sürdürmektedir. Modern dünyada demokrasi kendini bir tür nihai politik ideale dönüştümeyi başarmıştır. Bununla birlikte kimi siyasal düşünürler bu idealin sınırlarına meydan okumak ve söz konusu idealin doğası üzerinde daha kapsamlı bir biçimde düşünmek eğilimindedir. Buradan hareketle söz konusu çalışmanın amacı; bu türden bir meydan okumanın temsilcilerinden biri olarak Jean-Luc Nancy'nin düşüncesinde demokrasi kavramının temel bazı niteliklerini incelemek ve Nancy'nin gözünden demokrasi kavramının ne anlama geldiği anlamaya çalışmaktır. Bunu yaparken, çalışmanın kalkış noktası Nancy'nin metinleri, \"Demokrasinin Hakikati\" ve \"Sonlu ve Sonsuz Demokrasi\" olacaktırArticle Karanlık Zamanlarda Arendt Okumak: Avrupa Birliği, Göç Sorunu Ve Geri İtmeler(2022) Atac, C.akca; Baştan, Şebnem Açelya; 17826Hannah Arendt, siyasal alanda sıkışmış ve kendini çağının acı veren hakikatlerini anlamaya adamış bireye yıllar ötesinden seslenmeye devam ediyor. Arendt’in tanımladığı karanlık zamanların tarihte sanıldığı kadar ender ve olağanüstü anlar olmadığını bilmek ve kamusal alan karardığında bunu fark etmek, insanlığın bütüncül ve iyi bir hayat yaşamasının ön koşuludur. Arap Ayaklanmalarından beri süregiden ve küresel bir boyut kazanan göç ve sığınmacı krizi, böyle anlardan biri olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Bu çalışmada özellikle son 10 yılda katlanarak büyüyen Suriye kaynaklı göç krizinin, Arendt’in karanlık zamanlar ve devletsizleşme kavramları üzerinden açıklanması amaçlanmaktadır. Bunu yaparken devletsizleşmenin insan kapasitesi üzerinde yarattığı olumsuz ve yoksun bırakıcı etkinin nasıl Arendt’in karanlık zamanlar tanımının kapsamına girdiği tartışılacaktır. Ayrıca Avrupa Birliği’nin (AB) göç politikası uygulamalarında, başta geri itmeler olmak üzere, kendi değer ve normlarına ters düşen tutumları Arendtçi siyaset felsefesi açısından incelenirken üzerindeki Arendt etkisi bilinen ve göç meselesi hakkında da yazmış olan sosyolog ve filozof Zygmunt Bauman’ın görüşleri de bu çerçevede ele alınacaktır.Article Citation - WoS: 32Citation - Scopus: 31Lessons of military regimes and democracy: The Turkish case in a comparative perspective(Sage Publications inc, 2005) Demirel, T; 4812; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerHow the nature of an outgoing authoritarian regime affects the advent of a new democracy continues to be a matter of controversy. One line of argument states that in countries which experience repressive and discredited authoritarian regimes, political actors have come to better appreciate the virtues of democracy.(1) It is presumed that gross human-rights violations, widespread state-sponsored terror, and consequent fear and insecurity under military rule might result in attitudinal changes that favor democracy. Those who criticize the democratic regime for a slow decision-making process, or for failing to improve socioeconomic inequalities, for instance, might better understand the difference between military rule and democracy in terms of the protection of basic human rights. Similarly, disappointments caused by the military regimes in the economic and/or military spheres could shatter myths about the effectiveness of military rule or authoritarian decision-making processes. It might become clear, for instance, that the army's combat effectiveness is severely damaged under military dictatorships, or that military officers at the top might be as divided, inefficient, or corrupt as civilian politicians. Such value change, it is further assumed, helps the new democratic regime to withstand considerable strains because the alternative-authoritarian regression-is perceived to be even worse.(2) While not contradicting the idea that a repressive and/or discredited authoritarian regime might lead to a positive view of democracy, other scholars do not consider this factor as very significant. Juan Linz and Alfred Stephan, for instance, argued that the positive attitude toward democracy "as the best alternative for now and for the future, does not require a negative attitude toward the past."(3) Neither in cases of established democracies nor in recent transitions to democracy, they claim, can one find any strong evidence that rejection of the authoritarian past had taken place. Positive assessment of the past regime is not an obstacle to securing the loyalty of citizens to the democratic regime; one can prefer the democratic regime while also believing that an authoritarian regime had its own achievements. In the same vein, emphasizing new incentive structures that came into existence during the transition process as the most important variable affecting behavior of the elites, authors such as Guiseppe Di Palma and Adam Przeworski also came to similar conclusions.(4) This article highlights the point that the nature of an outgoing authoritarian regime has a significant impact on a new democracy. It attempts to do so through discussion of the Turkish case. Turkey's long experience with constitutional and representative government stretches back to the nineteenth century. It has maintained a more-or-less democratic system of government since its first transition to democracy in 1946, despite three military interventions (in 1960, 1971, and 1980). The complex interactions of various factors have helped the Turkish military to protect itself from the damaging consequences associated with military rule. The military interludes in Turkey (1960-61, 1971-73, 1980-83) have hardly been seen by a significant number of civilians as highly repressive, nor have they been conceived as failures in political, economic, or military terms. In all formal transitions, the military has hardly been compelled to exit from power. The thesis advanced here is that this particular experience of a military regime, of authoritarian interludes, has to be taken into account to understand the trials and tribulations of Turkish democracy. The positive evaluation of military rule was one reason why the political actors have found it difficult to regard a democratic regime as "the only game in town."(5) In other words, the Turkish experience has given rise to a conviction that the costs of abandoning democracy are not so high; therefore, in some cases, the military regime might be acceptable. This presumption has, in turn, weakened the civilian resolve to seek remedies within the democratic system. The military regime seemed to offer quick, clear-cut, and less costly solutions. The problem-solving capacity consideration that they might avoid the worst of what the others experienced, the idea that "it will not happen here," appears to have worked as a hindrance for learning in many settings. Few opponents of Allende who looked forward favorably to a military coup were able to foresee that a repressive regime was on its way given Chile's rather noninterventionist military tradition.(71) Civilians invoking a dictatorship generally consider that they might manipulate it, or minimize the possible costs. For these reasons, it would be misleading to talk about political learning as a spontaneous and natural process, or to condemn actors for failing to learn due largely to selfish short-sightedness or individual traits. One should also stress that some perceptions of military rule are the result of careful construction. Those who value democracy should not fail to recall the painful memories of the past; on the other hand, it would be inappropriate to attribute undue weight to an artful deception. If the real experience of the people has not made them receptive to recalling such collective memories, the whole effort might be destined to remain futile. A brief examination of military regimes and their impact on a change of values shows how complex the issues are, and how difficult it is to make straightforward inferences. A recognition of this complexity, however, does not change the fact that political learning, either through interaction or comparison, is critical for sustaining democracy.Article Citation - WoS: 7Citation - Scopus: 7Mothers in Cases of Incest in Turkey: Views and Experiences of Professionals(Springer/plenum Publishers, 2013) Kardam, Filiz; Bademci, Emine; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerThis paper aims to understand how professionals view non-offending mothers in cases of incest. Its data is based on a larger qualitative research project with 98 professionals in Turkey, including both frontline workers and those who join the process after the disclosure of abuse and are contacted professionally in incest cases. In spite of the differences in their views, the interviewed professionals have acknowledged the critical role of the mother in various phases of incest from disclosure of abuse to the treatment of the victim. However, they have also pointed out the insufficiencies and ambivalences of the mothers in terms of dealing properly with incest by underlining their economic and social vulnerability. The results reflected that the mothers need to be perceived in another light, understood better and empowered according to their needs to become vital partners within the support system combating incestuous abuse.Article Citation - WoS: 10Citation - Scopus: 9Pax Ottomanica No More! The "Peace" Discourse in Turkish Foreign Policy in the Post-Davutoglu Era and the Prolonged Syrian Crisis(Wiley, 2019) Atac, C. Akca; 17826Turkey's eight years between 2008 and 2016 has been dominated by Ahmet Davutoglu's vision of foreign policy, which was derived from his multi-edition book Strategic Depth (2000). In order to be able to present itself in its larger periphery as a pro-active, trustworthy actor, Davutoglu argued, Turkey needed to change the foreign-policy paradigms with which it was stranded. As the Strategic Depth vision unfolded, it drew explicit parallels between modern Turkey and the Ottoman neighborhood policy. Turkey-Syria relations since 2008 had been providing the seekers of neo-Ottomanist tendencies in the contemporary Turkish foreign policy with abundant examples, because Syria, once an Ottoman territory and always a challenge to modern Turkey, came to be the first poster country in the shift towards Turkey's imperial awakening. In the post-Davutoglu era, however, the rhetoric and practices of the past eight years seemed suddenly to disappear from the use of the Turkish agents of foreign policy; the new code of terms and actions to replace the Strategic Depth version is yet to be decided. This study seeks to pin down the neo-imperialist character of Turkey's foreign-policy discourse of the aforementioned eight years and contribute to discussions of the Turkish aspiration of neo-Ottomanism with focus on the Syrian crisis through the Justice and Development Party's re-invented peace discourse. In doing so, it aims to find out and elaborate on the current tendencies of Turkish foreign policy, which are no longer as explicit and articulated as they were during Davutoglu's ministry and prime ministry. As Turkey's cross-border operation to Syria - the Euphrates Shield - ends and another one in Idlib begins, a discursive analysis stretching from Davutoglu's diplomatic "zero problems" with Damascus to the military use of ground troops and air force is timely. Such an endeavor would be essential in understanding the spectacular swing from one edge to the other in Turkey's inclination over a phantasmagorical empire.
