Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü

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Americanization of Political Campaigns: a Comparison of the Cases of Forza Italia and the Young Party
(Turkiye Orta Dogu Amme Idaresi Enstitusu, 2010) Turk, Hasan Bahadir; Türk, Hasan Bahadır; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler
Similar to political institutions and structures, political campaigns have also undergone dramatic transformations. The Americanization of political campaigns, which are characterized by certain peculiarities, such as the personalization of politics, weakening of party organizations, wide use of media channels in the political marketing process, need for specialization, primacy of opinions over ideologies and conceptualization of citizens as policy consumers, is a by-product of these dramatic transformations. This paper aims to compare Forza Italia and the Young Party through the Americanization of political campaigns with special emphasis on the connection between the transformation of political campaigns and the crisis of representative democracy.
Citation - WoS: 3
Citation - Scopus: 5
A Comparative Civilizational Reading for the Middle East and Turkey's New Role in It
(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2016) Atac, C. Akca
The 1990s witnessed a bloom of studies on the standard of civilization', which all aimed to explore the future of the rift between the East and the West. The Arab Spring and its implications for the primordial competition between the East and the West has once again required the revisiting of certain, rather more contemporary, theoretical aspects of the grand debate on civilization. This paper aims to introduce current arguments pertaining to the grand debate on civilization into the context of the Arab Spring. In doing so, it seeks to offer a comparative perspective of the quest for understanding the current situation in the Middle East with particular reference to the civilization discourse which is currently on the rise in Turkish politics. Turkey is among the actors in the Middle East seeking to assume leadership in order to establish peace in the region.
Citation - WoS: 1
Citation - Scopus: 1
The Crime of Genocide in International Law and Underlying Social Structures of the Crime: Rwanda Case
(Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi dernegi, 2008) Coban, Ebru
Genocide is a crime which is defined under international law in the twentieth century and could not come about without the ideological, bureaucratic power of a modern state with its sanctions and modern discourses on identities and modern classifications. With a non-modern picture but with modem techniques of governing Rwanda was a place that genocidal killings occurred and is a place of a breaking case for modem theories. Rwanda has modern state characteristics in terms of monopoly of use of violence, giving orders and providing obedience of its people, surveillance, classification and registration of its people, and keeping discourses. Moreover, Rwandan culture that gives great importance to obedience and Rwandan geography that is so suitable to surveillance become additional factors. In that sense, Rwandan governments could influence to daily life of the people even to the smallest details of anyone. All factors provided a suitable base for the crime of genocide.
Citation - Scopus: 6
Economic Growth - Inflation Nexus and Its Impact on the Development of the Automotive Industry: the Case of Turkey
(Inderscience Publishers, 2019) Gökmen, A.; Üstündağ, K.; Dinç, D.T.
Economic growth is essential for development and welfare of the citizens of a country. Economic development is an intact process involving potentially entire industries in a state. Also, economic growth is associated with macroeconomic indicators such as GDP, exports, imports, budget surplus or deficits, current account balance, interest and inflation rates. Nonetheless, inflation is an important macroeconomic indicator which can influence industrial development positively or negatively. Moreover, the aim of this study is to analyse the impact of inflation on the total automotive industry production in the Republic of Turkey resting on various econometric applications as JJ cointegration test, VECM, Wald test, Gtranger test and LSM. Copyright © 2019 Inderscience Enterprises Ltd.
Citation - Scopus: 2
Empire of Languages: Eu's Multilingualism Policy and the Turkish Language
(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2012) Atac, C. Akca
Despite its crucial role in sustaining better integration, multilingualism is not discussed as widely as the other topics of multiculturalism within the context of the European Union (EU) enlargement. The accession process requires Turkey to take notice of the opportunities and shortcomings as well as the challenges of European multilingualism and to communicate the relevance of the Turkish language to the completeness of European multiculturalism. The present article aims to assess the EU language policy in light of the future imperative of incorporating Turkish into Europe's linguistic family by referring to the EU's laws, norms, and values as well as NGOs' reports and opinion papers.
Citation - WoS: 3
Citation - Scopus: 3
A Feminist Reading of Turkish Foreign Policy and the S-400 Crisis
(Sage Publications inc, 2021) Akca Atac, C.
Hypermasculine hegemonic masculinities have become the norm to dominate the foreign policies all around the world. As the populist foreign-policy visions, the byproducts of androcentric norm-creation, undermine the established rules for peace, diplomacy and co-existence in the international system, other experiences have faded away from the narratives that have defined and contributed to foreign policies. The accelerating urgency of the national security agendas of the hypermasculine states seek to cancel feminist definitions, practices and theories for the sake of physical force and state control. Nevertheless, more than any other period in history, it is these conflicting times that necessitate Cynthia Enloe's 'curious feminist' questions the most. Turkish foreign policy of the last decade has become a quintessential example of hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity, especially within the context of the S-400 crisis with the US, NATO and Russia; its feminist critics are distressingly rare. This paper aims to offer an alternative reading of Turkey's S-400 saga from a feminist perspective to contribute a Turkish case to feminist International Relations. First a definition of feminist International Relations will be provided. Then, the hypermasculine character of the Turkish hegemonic masculinity and its reflection on the current Turkish foreign policy will be analyzed. Lastly, the S-400 crisis of Turkey's decision to buy Russian defense missiles as a NATO member will be examined.
Friendship, Leadership and Hegemonic Masculinity: an Interpersonal Relationship Between Turkey and Russia
(Palgrave Macmillan, 2022) Ataç, C.A.
Since the Russian intervention in the Syrian crisis and Turkey’s subsequent downing of a Russian jet within the Syrian border in 2015, Russia has become a decisive actor influencing the course of Turkish foreign policy in a way reminding of the troublesome times of the eighteenth-century Ottoman Empire. The increasing influence of Moscow in the decision-making priorities of Ankara has resulted in Turkey’s purchase of S-400, the Russian missile system, which is incompatible with and rival to the NATO infrastructure. President Erdoğan, together with his regional and global counterparts, seeks leadership through friendship in his foreign-policy vision under the AKP rule and emphasizes his interpersonal relations with the world leaders while resolving the conflicts that Turkey involves in. In that respect, the Turkish-Russian relations revolve around the bilateral meetings between Erdoğan and Putin and the S-400 crisis seems to be handling on the friendship level. Against this background, however, one could argue that the recent Turkish-Russian relations unfold along a domination-subordination axis, which is linked to the larger debate on the hegemonic masculinity rather than friendship. This chapter seeks to assess the Turkish-Russian relations with a particular emphasis on the S-400 crisis, from the perspectives of friendship, leadership and hegemonic masculinity. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022.
Citation - WoS: 13
Citation - Scopus: 13
A Glance at the Constitutive Elements of the Leader-Centered Perspective in Turkish Politics
(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2017) Turk, H. Bahadir
Leadership is a major aspect of Turkish politics; leaders in Turkish politics are regarded as either almost sacred figures or the ultimate reason for all political, social and economic problems. Leaders are seen as decision makers who have a significant impact on almost all aspects of life. It can be contended that a historical continuance toward the leader-centered perspective is present in Turkish politics. This paper aims to present a descriptive framework outlining the elements that constitute the leader-centered perspective in Turkish politics. To accomplish this goal, the paper presents two major arguments. It is argued that the constitutive elements of the leader-centered perspective in Turkish politics are a sui generis synthesis of patrimonialism, patriarchy, populism and militarism. Furthermore, this fourfold historical structure strengthens forms of charismatic leadership and can provide insight into the central role of leadership in Turkish politics.
Citation - WoS: 4
Citation - Scopus: 4
Hegemonic Masculinity and Terrorism: the Case of the Pkk and Abdullah Ocalan
(Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2020) Turk, H. Bahadir
Recent years have seen an increase in the study of the relationship between gender and terrorism. This article analyzes the relationship between hegemonic masculinity and terrorism through the case of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan or PKK) and its leader Abdullah ocalan. Using the method of narrative analysis, the study first examines the concept of hegemonic masculinity. The study attempts to make sense of how the concept of hegemonic masculinity operates within the PKK. To achieve this goal, the study demonstrates the major functions of hegemonic masculinity within terrorist organisations. Accordingly, it is argued that the perspective of masculinity studies can be used to gain a better and highly instructive understanding of political violence and terrorism.
Citation - WoS: 32
Citation - Scopus: 34
Lessons of Military Regimes and Democracy: the Turkish Case in a Comparative Perspective
(Sage Publications inc, 2005) Demirel, T
How the nature of an outgoing authoritarian regime affects the advent of a new democracy continues to be a matter of controversy. One line of argument states that in countries which experience repressive and discredited authoritarian regimes, political actors have come to better appreciate the virtues of democracy.(1) It is presumed that gross human-rights violations, widespread state-sponsored terror, and consequent fear and insecurity under military rule might result in attitudinal changes that favor democracy. Those who criticize the democratic regime for a slow decision-making process, or for failing to improve socioeconomic inequalities, for instance, might better understand the difference between military rule and democracy in terms of the protection of basic human rights. Similarly, disappointments caused by the military regimes in the economic and/or military spheres could shatter myths about the effectiveness of military rule or authoritarian decision-making processes. It might become clear, for instance, that the army's combat effectiveness is severely damaged under military dictatorships, or that military officers at the top might be as divided, inefficient, or corrupt as civilian politicians. Such value change, it is further assumed, helps the new democratic regime to withstand considerable strains because the alternative-authoritarian regression-is perceived to be even worse.(2) While not contradicting the idea that a repressive and/or discredited authoritarian regime might lead to a positive view of democracy, other scholars do not consider this factor as very significant. Juan Linz and Alfred Stephan, for instance, argued that the positive attitude toward democracy "as the best alternative for now and for the future, does not require a negative attitude toward the past."(3) Neither in cases of established democracies nor in recent transitions to democracy, they claim, can one find any strong evidence that rejection of the authoritarian past had taken place. Positive assessment of the past regime is not an obstacle to securing the loyalty of citizens to the democratic regime; one can prefer the democratic regime while also believing that an authoritarian regime had its own achievements. In the same vein, emphasizing new incentive structures that came into existence during the transition process as the most important variable affecting behavior of the elites, authors such as Guiseppe Di Palma and Adam Przeworski also came to similar conclusions.(4) This article highlights the point that the nature of an outgoing authoritarian regime has a significant impact on a new democracy. It attempts to do so through discussion of the Turkish case. Turkey's long experience with constitutional and representative government stretches back to the nineteenth century. It has maintained a more-or-less democratic system of government since its first transition to democracy in 1946, despite three military interventions (in 1960, 1971, and 1980). The complex interactions of various factors have helped the Turkish military to protect itself from the damaging consequences associated with military rule. The military interludes in Turkey (1960-61, 1971-73, 1980-83) have hardly been seen by a significant number of civilians as highly repressive, nor have they been conceived as failures in political, economic, or military terms. In all formal transitions, the military has hardly been compelled to exit from power. The thesis advanced here is that this particular experience of a military regime, of authoritarian interludes, has to be taken into account to understand the trials and tribulations of Turkish democracy. The positive evaluation of military rule was one reason why the political actors have found it difficult to regard a democratic regime as "the only game in town."(5) In other words, the Turkish experience has given rise to a conviction that the costs of abandoning democracy are not so high; therefore, in some cases, the military regime might be acceptable. This presumption has, in turn, weakened the civilian resolve to seek remedies within the democratic system. The military regime seemed to offer quick, clear-cut, and less costly solutions. The problem-solving capacity consideration that they might avoid the worst of what the others experienced, the idea that "it will not happen here," appears to have worked as a hindrance for learning in many settings. Few opponents of Allende who looked forward favorably to a military coup were able to foresee that a repressive regime was on its way given Chile's rather noninterventionist military tradition.(71) Civilians invoking a dictatorship generally consider that they might manipulate it, or minimize the possible costs. For these reasons, it would be misleading to talk about political learning as a spontaneous and natural process, or to condemn actors for failing to learn due largely to selfish short-sightedness or individual traits. One should also stress that some perceptions of military rule are the result of careful construction. Those who value democracy should not fail to recall the painful memories of the past; on the other hand, it would be inappropriate to attribute undue weight to an artful deception. If the real experience of the people has not made them receptive to recalling such collective memories, the whole effort might be destined to remain futile. A brief examination of military regimes and their impact on a change of values shows how complex the issues are, and how difficult it is to make straightforward inferences. A recognition of this complexity, however, does not change the fact that political learning, either through interaction or comparison, is critical for sustaining democracy.
Citation - WoS: 7
Citation - Scopus: 8
Mothers in Cases of Incest in Turkey: Views and Experiences of Professionals
(Springer/plenum Publishers, 2013) Bademci, Emine; Kardam, Filiz
This paper aims to understand how professionals view non-offending mothers in cases of incest. Its data is based on a larger qualitative research project with 98 professionals in Turkey, including both frontline workers and those who join the process after the disclosure of abuse and are contacted professionally in incest cases. In spite of the differences in their views, the interviewed professionals have acknowledged the critical role of the mother in various phases of incest from disclosure of abuse to the treatment of the victim. However, they have also pointed out the insufficiencies and ambivalences of the mothers in terms of dealing properly with incest by underlining their economic and social vulnerability. The results reflected that the mothers need to be perceived in another light, understood better and empowered according to their needs to become vital partners within the support system combating incestuous abuse.
Citation - WoS: 10
Citation - Scopus: 15
Pax Ottomanica No More! the "peace" Discourse in Turkish Foreign Policy in the Post-Davutoglu Era and the Prolonged Syrian Crisis
(Wiley, 2019) Atac, C. Akca
Turkey's eight years between 2008 and 2016 has been dominated by Ahmet Davutoglu's vision of foreign policy, which was derived from his multi-edition book Strategic Depth (2000). In order to be able to present itself in its larger periphery as a pro-active, trustworthy actor, Davutoglu argued, Turkey needed to change the foreign-policy paradigms with which it was stranded. As the Strategic Depth vision unfolded, it drew explicit parallels between modern Turkey and the Ottoman neighborhood policy. Turkey-Syria relations since 2008 had been providing the seekers of neo-Ottomanist tendencies in the contemporary Turkish foreign policy with abundant examples, because Syria, once an Ottoman territory and always a challenge to modern Turkey, came to be the first poster country in the shift towards Turkey's imperial awakening. In the post-Davutoglu era, however, the rhetoric and practices of the past eight years seemed suddenly to disappear from the use of the Turkish agents of foreign policy; the new code of terms and actions to replace the Strategic Depth version is yet to be decided. This study seeks to pin down the neo-imperialist character of Turkey's foreign-policy discourse of the aforementioned eight years and contribute to discussions of the Turkish aspiration of neo-Ottomanism with focus on the Syrian crisis through the Justice and Development Party's re-invented peace discourse. In doing so, it aims to find out and elaborate on the current tendencies of Turkish foreign policy, which are no longer as explicit and articulated as they were during Davutoglu's ministry and prime ministry. As Turkey's cross-border operation to Syria - the Euphrates Shield - ends and another one in Idlib begins, a discursive analysis stretching from Davutoglu's diplomatic "zero problems" with Damascus to the military use of ground troops and air force is timely. Such an endeavor would be essential in understanding the spectacular swing from one edge to the other in Turkey's inclination over a phantasmagorical empire.
Citation - WoS: 33
Citation - Scopus: 43
'populism as a Medium of Mass Mobilization': the Case of Recep Tayyip Erdogan
(Center int Area Studies, 2018) Turk, H. Bahadir
It goes without saying that Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoan has put his mark on the last 14 years of Turkish politics. The main argument of this study is that the case of Recep Tayyip Erdoan provides an illustrative example to make sense of populism as a medium of mass mobilization. Furthermore, it is argued that Erdoan's leadership can be best understood by taking into account how he manages political crises. Accordingly, through the examples of 2007, 2013 and 2016, which mark critical periods in Turkish politics, the article attempts to highlight the major characteristics of Erdoan's populist leadership.
The Problem of Checking The Political Power in The Tradition of Siyasat-Nama: The Case of Nushatu's-selatin
(Turkiye Orta Dogu Amme Idaresi Enstitusu, 2017) Turk, Hasan Bahadir; Türk, Hasan Bahadır; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler
The problem of how to be able to check the political power lies at the very heart of the historical debates over politics. This problem is part and parcel of another vital political problem that can be best described as the necessity of setting limits to the power of rulers. Accordingly, one might argue that checking the political power and setting limits to it are not basically and simply the same thing. This paper, moving from this assumption, attempts to shed some light upon the problem of checking the political power through the lenses of an Ottoman bureaucrat of the sixteenth century, namely, Mustafa Ali of Gallipoli. In so doing, the paper focuses on a text written by Mustafa Ali in 1581. The major argument of this paper is that Mustafa Ali's text, Nushatu'sSelatin (Advices to Sultans), which is an example of Siyasat-nama genre of books, deals with the problem of checking the political power with a particular emphasis upon three certain principles: Justice, fear of God and merit.
The Rapprochement Between Turkey and the Eu: The Transformation Process in the Strategic Perceptions From the 1999 Helsinki Summit To the 2003 Iraq War
(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2006) Gözen, R.; Gözen, Ramazan; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler
This article analyses the rapprochement process between Turkey and the EU which has been developing since the 1999 Helsinki Summit and especially in the wake of the US invasion of Iraq. As a result of differing perceptions of Turkey and the EU in the post Cold War, the Turkey-EU membership process had faced a deep "structural" crisis. However, after some important changes in the years from 1999 to 2003, Turkey and the EU rediscovered, and approached each other in such a way that it is incomparable with the past. The basic character of this rapprochement is the strategic transformation in the perceptions.
Citation - Scopus: 1
Reading the Emergence of Turkish Nation-State Through the Concept of Habitus
(Ahmet Yesevi Univ, 2011) Turk, H. Bahadir; Türk, Hasan Bahadır; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler
This study aims to investigate the emergence of the nation-state in Turkey and read this process through Pierre Bourdieu and Norbert Elias' concept of habitus. In so doing, first of all, the concept of habitus will be explored. The debates concerning the process of the emergence of the nation-state in Turkey and whether the concept of habitus is fruitful will also be discussed. This study underlines the theoretical opportunities of the concept of habitus, particularly, from the angle of the debates concerning the emergence of the Turkish nation-state and Turkish nationalism. On this axis, this study shows that there is a clear link between Turkish nation-state formation and the Turkish national habitus.
Citation - WoS: 2
Citation - Scopus: 3
Renegotiations of Femininity Throughout the Constitutional Debates in Turkey: Representative Claims in 2014 Presidential Elections
(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018) Yaras, Sezen; Yigit, Ahu
In August 2014, for the first time in the history of the Turkish Republic, the president was elected through a popular vote. The quest for a new constitution and revisions to the political system were the main topics that the three presidential candidates, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu and Selahattin Demirtas, raised during their presidential campaigns. Women's problems and issues were among the central topics through which the matters of the new constitution and the revisions to be made in the system were addressed. Through a qualitative content analysis of the campaign material, this article maps the candidates' approaches to women's interests and the roles the candidates promised to play to promote these interests and roles. The findings indicate that motherhood, daughterhood and sisterhood are the key terms through which the candidates formulated the ultimate purpose of their gender-related agenda. They simply blamed the existing constitution as the main cause of alienated motherhood, polarized daughterhood and complicit femininity respectively. Based on the analysis of these simultaneous calls for heightening-disavowal of certain femininities, the article argues that competing projects for the (re)establishment of the constitutional regime in Turkey can be construed as renegotiations of feminine attachments to political authority.
Citation - WoS: 1
Citation - Scopus: 1
Rethinking the Relationship Between Leader and Mass Through Political Theology
(Ankara Haci Bayram veli Univ, 2019) Turk, H. Bahadir; Türk, Hasan Bahadır; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler
This study aims to analyze the relationship between leader and mass through political theology. In so doing, the study is structured into two major sections. The first section focuses on the concept of political theology. The second section discusses the relationship between mass and leader from a historical perspective and with reference to political theory. The study argues that rethinking the relationship between mass and leader through political theology provides an opportunity to make sense of the nature of this relationship.
Citation - Scopus: 2
Russia-Turkey Relations (1991-2016): Diverging Interests and Compelling Realities
(Springer International Publishing, 2017) Ekinci, D.
The Sea That Binds Us: The Eu's Problematic Normative Capacity and The Union for The Mediterranean
(I B Tauris & Co Ltd, 2014) Atac, C. Akca; Ataç, Cemile Akça; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler

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