Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Yayın Koleksiyonu

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12416/249

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Citation - WoS: 3
Citation - Scopus: 3
A Feminist Reading of Turkish Foreign Policy and the S-400 Crisis
(Sage Publications inc, 2021) Akca Atac, C.; 17826
Hypermasculine hegemonic masculinities have become the norm to dominate the foreign policies all around the world. As the populist foreign-policy visions, the byproducts of androcentric norm-creation, undermine the established rules for peace, diplomacy and co-existence in the international system, other experiences have faded away from the narratives that have defined and contributed to foreign policies. The accelerating urgency of the national security agendas of the hypermasculine states seek to cancel feminist definitions, practices and theories for the sake of physical force and state control. Nevertheless, more than any other period in history, it is these conflicting times that necessitate Cynthia Enloe's 'curious feminist' questions the most. Turkish foreign policy of the last decade has become a quintessential example of hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity, especially within the context of the S-400 crisis with the US, NATO and Russia; its feminist critics are distressingly rare. This paper aims to offer an alternative reading of Turkey's S-400 saga from a feminist perspective to contribute a Turkish case to feminist International Relations. First a definition of feminist International Relations will be provided. Then, the hypermasculine character of the Turkish hegemonic masculinity and its reflection on the current Turkish foreign policy will be analyzed. Lastly, the S-400 crisis of Turkey's decision to buy Russian defense missiles as a NATO member will be examined.
Citation - WoS: 3
Citation - Scopus: 2
Hegemonic masculinity and terrorism: the case of the PKK and Abdullah Öcalan
(Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2020) Turk, H. Bahadir
Recent years have seen an increase in the study of the relationship between gender and terrorism. This article analyzes the relationship between hegemonic masculinity and terrorism through the case of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan or PKK) and its leader Abdullah ocalan. Using the method of narrative analysis, the study first examines the concept of hegemonic masculinity. The study attempts to make sense of how the concept of hegemonic masculinity operates within the PKK. To achieve this goal, the study demonstrates the major functions of hegemonic masculinity within terrorist organisations. Accordingly, it is argued that the perspective of masculinity studies can be used to gain a better and highly instructive understanding of political violence and terrorism.
Citation - WoS: 32
Citation - Scopus: 31
Lessons of military regimes and democracy: The Turkish case in a comparative perspective
(Sage Publications inc, 2005) Demirel, T; 4812; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler
How the nature of an outgoing authoritarian regime affects the advent of a new democracy continues to be a matter of controversy. One line of argument states that in countries which experience repressive and discredited authoritarian regimes, political actors have come to better appreciate the virtues of democracy.(1) It is presumed that gross human-rights violations, widespread state-sponsored terror, and consequent fear and insecurity under military rule might result in attitudinal changes that favor democracy. Those who criticize the democratic regime for a slow decision-making process, or for failing to improve socioeconomic inequalities, for instance, might better understand the difference between military rule and democracy in terms of the protection of basic human rights. Similarly, disappointments caused by the military regimes in the economic and/or military spheres could shatter myths about the effectiveness of military rule or authoritarian decision-making processes. It might become clear, for instance, that the army's combat effectiveness is severely damaged under military dictatorships, or that military officers at the top might be as divided, inefficient, or corrupt as civilian politicians. Such value change, it is further assumed, helps the new democratic regime to withstand considerable strains because the alternative-authoritarian regression-is perceived to be even worse.(2) While not contradicting the idea that a repressive and/or discredited authoritarian regime might lead to a positive view of democracy, other scholars do not consider this factor as very significant. Juan Linz and Alfred Stephan, for instance, argued that the positive attitude toward democracy "as the best alternative for now and for the future, does not require a negative attitude toward the past."(3) Neither in cases of established democracies nor in recent transitions to democracy, they claim, can one find any strong evidence that rejection of the authoritarian past had taken place. Positive assessment of the past regime is not an obstacle to securing the loyalty of citizens to the democratic regime; one can prefer the democratic regime while also believing that an authoritarian regime had its own achievements. In the same vein, emphasizing new incentive structures that came into existence during the transition process as the most important variable affecting behavior of the elites, authors such as Guiseppe Di Palma and Adam Przeworski also came to similar conclusions.(4) This article highlights the point that the nature of an outgoing authoritarian regime has a significant impact on a new democracy. It attempts to do so through discussion of the Turkish case. Turkey's long experience with constitutional and representative government stretches back to the nineteenth century. It has maintained a more-or-less democratic system of government since its first transition to democracy in 1946, despite three military interventions (in 1960, 1971, and 1980). The complex interactions of various factors have helped the Turkish military to protect itself from the damaging consequences associated with military rule. The military interludes in Turkey (1960-61, 1971-73, 1980-83) have hardly been seen by a significant number of civilians as highly repressive, nor have they been conceived as failures in political, economic, or military terms. In all formal transitions, the military has hardly been compelled to exit from power. The thesis advanced here is that this particular experience of a military regime, of authoritarian interludes, has to be taken into account to understand the trials and tribulations of Turkish democracy. The positive evaluation of military rule was one reason why the political actors have found it difficult to regard a democratic regime as "the only game in town."(5) In other words, the Turkish experience has given rise to a conviction that the costs of abandoning democracy are not so high; therefore, in some cases, the military regime might be acceptable. This presumption has, in turn, weakened the civilian resolve to seek remedies within the democratic system. The military regime seemed to offer quick, clear-cut, and less costly solutions. The problem-solving capacity consideration that they might avoid the worst of what the others experienced, the idea that "it will not happen here," appears to have worked as a hindrance for learning in many settings. Few opponents of Allende who looked forward favorably to a military coup were able to foresee that a repressive regime was on its way given Chile's rather noninterventionist military tradition.(71) Civilians invoking a dictatorship generally consider that they might manipulate it, or minimize the possible costs. For these reasons, it would be misleading to talk about political learning as a spontaneous and natural process, or to condemn actors for failing to learn due largely to selfish short-sightedness or individual traits. One should also stress that some perceptions of military rule are the result of careful construction. Those who value democracy should not fail to recall the painful memories of the past; on the other hand, it would be inappropriate to attribute undue weight to an artful deception. If the real experience of the people has not made them receptive to recalling such collective memories, the whole effort might be destined to remain futile. A brief examination of military regimes and their impact on a change of values shows how complex the issues are, and how difficult it is to make straightforward inferences. A recognition of this complexity, however, does not change the fact that political learning, either through interaction or comparison, is critical for sustaining democracy.
Citation - WoS: 29
Citation - Scopus: 36
Populism as a medium of mass mobilization: The case of Recep Tayyip Erdogan
(Center int Area Studies, 2018) Turk, H. Bahadir; 18664; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler
It goes without saying that Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoan has put his mark on the last 14 years of Turkish politics. The main argument of this study is that the case of Recep Tayyip Erdoan provides an illustrative example to make sense of populism as a medium of mass mobilization. Furthermore, it is argued that Erdoan's leadership can be best understood by taking into account how he manages political crises. Accordingly, through the examples of 2007, 2013 and 2016, which mark critical periods in Turkish politics, the article attempts to highlight the major characteristics of Erdoan's populist leadership.
Citation - WoS: 1
Citation - Scopus: 1
The crime of genocide in international law and underlying social structures of the crime: Rwanda case
(Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi dernegi, 2008) Coban, Ebru; 105587
Genocide is a crime which is defined under international law in the twentieth century and could not come about without the ideological, bureaucratic power of a modern state with its sanctions and modern discourses on identities and modern classifications. With a non-modern picture but with modem techniques of governing Rwanda was a place that genocidal killings occurred and is a place of a breaking case for modem theories. Rwanda has modern state characteristics in terms of monopoly of use of violence, giving orders and providing obedience of its people, surveillance, classification and registration of its people, and keeping discourses. Moreover, Rwandan culture that gives great importance to obedience and Rwandan geography that is so suitable to surveillance become additional factors. In that sense, Rwandan governments could influence to daily life of the people even to the smallest details of anyone. All factors provided a suitable base for the crime of genocide.
Citation - Scopus: 0
The rapprochement between Turkey and the EU: The transformation process in the strategic perceptions from the 1999 Helsinki Summit to the 2003 Iraq War
(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2006) Gözen, R.; 3610; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler
This article analyses the rapprochement process between Turkey and the EU which has been developing since the 1999 Helsinki Summit and especially in the wake of the US invasion of Iraq. As a result of differing perceptions of Turkey and the EU in the post Cold War, the Turkey-EU membership process had faced a deep "structural" crisis. However, after some important changes in the years from 1999 to 2003, Turkey and the EU rediscovered, and approached each other in such a way that it is incomparable with the past. The basic character of this rapprochement is the strategic transformation in the perceptions.
Citation - WoS: 34
Citation - Scopus: 33
The Turkish military's decision to intervene: 12 September 1980
(Sage Publications inc, 2003) Demirel, T; Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler
This article analyzes the Turkish military's decision to take over the government on 12 September 1980. It argues that just because the military believed itself to be a true guardian state, it easily considered intervention a legitimate solution. The perceived threats to the integrity of the Republican state posed by rampant terrorism were the key elements driving soldiers towards intervention. In retrospect, the military's willingness to learn from experience and the role played by civilians in encouraging the military to take over the reins of government are striking features of the whole episode.

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